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In the course of a mathematical study of roulette odds, a Sydney University economics lecturer, Dr Geoffrey Lewis, surveyed the gaming tables at the Double Bay Bridge Club three times a week for the better part of a year.

Calculating a house profit of 2. There was a considerable continuity of control from the baccarat schools of the early s to the casinos of the s.

The established Goulburn Club at Goulburn Street, owned by George Zizinos Walker and Christos Paizes of South Coogee, simply added roulette to baccarat, recruited a bevy of hostesses, and polished up its image.

Through involvement in SP bookmaking, Moylan acquired contacts and capital. In he bought out the largest baccarat school in Sydney at 33 Oxford Street, and opened a proper casino with roulette and blackjack.

After costly renovations the club eventually achieved an effect of moderate garishness subdued only by comparison with the decor of an ordinary Sydney Leagues Club.

The club was an enormous success and the sight of people milling in the street and queuing up the stairs to get in became a common one almost every night of the week.

As the casino flourished, the Moylan family prospered. Employed by his father as an assistant, Michael, Jr purchased an expensive home in Eatham Avenue, Darling Point and added to the already extensive security system by installing bars on the upper storey windows.

One man threatened to kill a racehorse he owned unless a large amount of money was handed over.

I approached Mr Mick Moylan, more or less along the lines that I was not doing particularly well in business and I would like to assist.

When I have been gambling there I have brought people there and he appreciated that, and when they came again I would greet them and we would have a drink.

I have mentioned on occasions that Mr Moylan was a very astute businessman. I did mention club consultant matters to him. I suggested to him that the power switches in the hallway was around — no parts being around in case somebody wanted to pull the lights out and rob the place.

Do you suggest any advice you would give him would be something Mr Moylan would not know? You would just go along to this Moylan at some stage and say you want to do this public relations.

If my memory serves me correct, I think I done one trip for him to look at a casino. It could have been part of expenses in that period.

Does not it look as though perhaps the police are giving McPherson, in effect, immunity if they are not interested in finding out where he gets his income?

No, but I feel that with his reputation he would have some income. Just now that we are in this sitting — you get a case like a man like Dean, who goes to the 33 Club.

You have no doubt read the evidence concerning that? In this kind of set-up where you have a man like McPherson, can you really say, as at the present time, that it is not at least possible a man like McPherson through some other source, without him going directly, might be receiving money through this type of illicit activity?

I would say it could be possible, but he has been warned by Mr McNeill [of the police Consorting Squad] he is not to visit those clubs. I am not suggesting in asking this question that there is any link, but why could not a man like McPherson, through a man like Dean, for example, receive standover money from a place like the 33 Club?

In the course of a police investigation into private clubs in , Dean had told the police: I first met him when I had a barber shop in Redfern and he used to come in for a haircut.

In an earlier interview with police in , however, Dean had apparently attached greater weight to their relationship: Although McPherson denied any business relationship with Dean, he admitted knowing Michael Moylan, Sr but was not asked to elaborate.

It is clear that the monies paid over were not for the reasons that Dean gave and that he continually and blatantly lied in his evidence concerning these monies.

It is obvious that behind these payments lay some criminal conduct which Dean covered with his lies.

McPherson used to frequent the 33 Club, but had been banned from it by McNeil in , obviously because of the possibility of his standing over the owner.

Apparently a man of considerable charm, Michael Moylan Sr had reached an understanding with the milieu and secured sufficient protection to keep the independent standover men at bay.

Riley, then heavily involved in a variety of club management schemes with Walter Dean and an associate of American Mafia figures, was a close friend of the Moylan family and frequented the 33 Club.

Smith flew up for the fight. Unable to cope with these pressures, the Moylan family were forced to close the casino within a year.

Much of the media and the public became scandalized by the inability, or unwillingness, of the police to close large well-known establishments which were open to almost any pedestrian.

While the press published detailed reports of the addresses, activities and ownership of the casinos almost weekly from , the N. Writing in the National Times in , one former N.

I personally would not be surprised if some police officers in Sydney have shared as much as a million dollars out of graft over the years.

The money is always paid in cash, by personal contact in a pub or in a car. Although the 33 Club had opened in , it was five years before the illegal casinos became a political issue.

And it was not until that the casino controversy became serious. The Daily Telegraph then ran a series of stories showing just how easy it was to accumulate evidence.

In a bid to keep up with the competition the Sun-Herald discovered that the casino business was now large enough to sustain a full-time training academy for croupiers.

The next round in the controversy came in June when Commissioner Hanson declared that gambling was difficult to suppress and suggested legalization of the casinos.

Alleging a high level of police corruption, he further claimed that he had submitted a memorandum to police on 14 June demanding a raid on the 33 Club, but had been told that the club and its elite patronage would not be disturbed.

The ABC program then highlighted the openness of casino operations by turning its cameras on the doorway to the Forbes Club just opposite its William Street studios.

Once media coverage began, political controversy followed and in June Premier Askin made the first of a series of gestures towards the casino problem involving statements, reports, conferences with the Police Commissioner, consideration of alternatives — everything, in fact, except the closing of the casinos.

They continued to operate openly. In response, Premier Askin announced that he had received a report from Police Commissioner Hanson stating that repeated police raids had recently closed two casinos and reduced the turnover at those still remaining open.

Could the Attorney-General also find out whether these pistol licences were issued before Sir Robert Askin relinquished his position as Minister for Police, and, if so, whether there is any basis for suggestions that special representations have been made to assist these men to obtain pistol licences?

According to a Mirror reporter, detectives inspected the new venue just prior to its grand opening and expressed their approval of the lay-out.

Soon after the State elections the new Wran Labor government announced its determination to resolve the casino question. In May the National Times published another of its regular exposes, pointing out that the Double Bay Bridge Club had recently moved its entire equipment from its original site on New South Head Road in Double Bay to Bondi Junction in broad daylight without interference.

Premier Wran introduced a few new gambits in the casino game, first with an announcement that casinos would be legalized, then a government inquiry into the question, and finally no action at all.

Announcing at the time of his appointment in November that there would be no changes in police policy towards casinos, Commissioner Mervyn Wood continued the tolerant policies of his predecessor Fred Hanson.

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